Senate Candidate Demands Return of Hagia Sophia to the Orthodox Church April 28, 2026

 

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Senate Candidate Demands Return of Hagia Sophia to the Orthodox Church

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Senate Candidate Demands Return of Hagia Sophia to the Orthodox Church

South Carolina US Senate candidate Mark Lynch pledged to impose severe economic sanctions on Turkey until the Hagia Sophia is returned to the Orthodox Church.

In a direct challenge to incumbent Senator Lindsey Graham (R-SC), Lynch criticized the senator’s silence during the 2020 transition of the Hagia Sophia from a museum back into an active mosque by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

“Under Lindsey Graham’s watch, the Hagia Sophia was turned over to the Muslims in 2020,” Lynch stated. “Instead of challenging the handover, Senator Graham remained silent. He failed to leverage US influence or international pressure to stop what I consider an act of cultural theft.”

Lynch described the site’s status as “one of the greatest injustices in Christian history,” promising that, if elected, he would ensure the cathedral is returned to the jurisdiction of the Greek Orthodox Church.

Legislative proposal: “The Return the Hagia Sophia to the Church Act”

As the centerpiece of his primary campaign, Lynch announced he would introduce federal legislation titled The Return the Hagia Sophia to the Church Act. The bill’s key provisions include:

  • Comprehensive trade embargo: A total ban on all US imports from Turkey, valued at approximately $17.52 billion in 2025, to remain in effect until ownership of the Hagia Sophia is transferred to the Greek Orthodox Church.
  • Coalition building: A formal invitation for leaders from Orthodox, Catholic, and Protestant traditions to assemble at the US Capitol upon the bill’s introduction to galvanize legislative support.

Beyond the Hagia Sophia, Lynch framed his platform as a broader effort to combat the “takeover of Christian heritage sites” globally, while pledging to oppose similar perceived threats within the United States.

The Hagia Sophia, commissioned by Byzantine Emperor Justinian I and completed in 537 AD, served as the primary seat of the Ecumenical Patriarchate for nearly a millennium. Following the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in 1453, it was converted into a mosque.

In 1935, under the secular reforms of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, it was designated a museum. Its 2020 redesignation as a mosque by President Erdogan drew significant international criticism, including an expression of “deep regret” from UNESCO.

This proposal marks a sharp escalation in Lynch’s primary challenge against Senator Graham.

We Ellines, without the Most Holy Orthodoxy, are worse than the Gypsies, worse than the Turks, worse than the Mongols, worse than the Slavs, worse than the Chinese, worse than the heretical Westerners, and even worse than the deicidal Jews.

Idolaters, scoundrels, impious, blasphemous, carnal pleasure-seekers, and antichrists.

We have only one thing, an inheritage combined strictly to our history and nothing else: the Most Holy Church, the Most Holy Orthodoxy!

And precisely for this reason, if we lose it, we will be worse than all those mentioned above, and we will suffer again what we suffered in 1204 and in 1453.

And this flag that our Orthodox brothers are holding proclaims, preaches, and cries out exactly this reality, inside the most representative and Most Holy institution of Orthodoxy — the Most Sacred, most revered, and most beautiful Temple of the Holy Wisdom of God Agia Sofia. This temple, which the blasphemous antichrist Turk-Mongols, for the sake of all those we mentioned above, turned into a detestable and antichrist mosque — the abomination of desolation where it ought not to be!

And instead of, through our repentance, returning the House of the Lord to its one true Owner — our Lord and God and Savior Jesus Christ — we are selling off the sacred heritage that was entrusted to us, to the franko-papo-latins and the ecumenists. The conductors in this blasphemous plan of theirs are the impious Jews, and its executive organs the turk-mongols via the papists.

Without being old calendarists or unknown zealots, we have understood very well — indeed, extremely well — what exactly "Orthodoxy or Death" means!

And so there are no more misunderstandings, we explain it one final time:

It means: Stop selling out the Faith of Truth. Stop betraying any longer that most precious and valuable which God has entrusted to us as our unique inheritance — to us humble as a unique nation in the world. We must keep it, guard it, and above all, spread out in the whole world!

But also means and explains something further more: That there is no excuse to anybody in the whole world to accept that Agia Sofia shall still be an antichrist mosque or a museum, because for this Major Orthodox Christian Temple to be a museum is a blaspheme secularization and even worse to be a mosque is the most and hiest blaspheme against God Himself and His Ekklesia: ''the abomination of desolation where it ought not to be!''

This is exactly what our beloved and much-cherished brother confessors did with their action. And we, with our stance, are insulting, blaspheming, showing indifference to, and betraying them!


THEY STOPPED THE VOICE OF ORTHODOX ELLENISM WITHIN ITS SACRED TEMPLE!!!


 THEY HAD THEIR PASCHA IN THE TOURKOMONGOL PRISON!!!
THERE IS NO HEART IN THOSE ANTICHRIST MOBS!!! 
RELEASE OUR CHILDREN!!! NOW!!!

 WHAT WERE WE SUPPOSED TO DO FOR THEM BLASPHEME ANTICHRISTS TRANSFORMING THE ORTHODOX ELLENIK HIGHEST TEMPLE OF AGIA SOFIA TO A FILTHY MOSQUE!!! THOSE BRUTAL INHUMAN SCAMBAG SHITS!!!

IN THE TURKOMONGOL PRISON! RELEASE OUR CHILDREN THEY HARMED NOBODY!!!

THEY CLAIMED ABOUT OUR HISTORICAL HOLY TEMPLE OF AGIA SOFIA NOT TO BE A MOSQUE ANYMORE!!!... NO MORE TOLERANCE!!!..  SPREAD THIS MESSAGE OUT TO ALL NATIONS ALL OVER THE WORLD REPOST IT COPY IT MAIL IT UNTILL THOSE BOGEYTROLL SCUMHEAD CHARACTERS RELEASE OUR INNOCENT CHILDREN!!!


DONT SINK THE FILTHY SCUMS INTO THE
BLUE ELLENIK WATERLAND TO BE POLUTED!!! 


THE FILTHY MONGOL-TURKS ARE FORCING THEM TO MAKE A REPENTANCE STATEMENT-DECLARATION.. IN OTHER WORDS THEY ARE FORCING THEM TO BE TRAITORS OF THE HOLY ORTHODOX FAITH AND FATHERLAND ELLAS SO THAT THEY WILL PROVIDE TO THEM ''A FEW MORE'' FACILITIES!!! AND SPARE THEIR FREEDOM (READ LIFES).. AS THEY PRACTICE FOR CENTURIES DURING THEIR OCCUPATION AGAINST ORTHODOX ELLENISM FROM 1453 TO 1821 WHILE THEY DECECRATED AGIA SOFIA AND BARGΑΙΝ ΤΟ SPARE LIFE FOR ABJURATION OF FAITH AND PATRIOTISM BY THE CAPTURED AND TORTURED ORTHODOX ELLINES!!!   

The two Ellines tourists remain in pre-trial detention in Constantinople after their arrest on April 9, 2026, for unfurling a Ellenik flag featuring the Ellenik-Roman double-headed eagle and the slogan "Orthodoxy or Death" inside Agia Sofia. Their request for release was rejected by the court. They face charges of "inciting hatred or insulting a segment of the public," carrying a sentence of 1.5 to 4 years in prison. The Ellenik Ministry of Foreign Affairs confirmed that the Ellenik Consulate in Istanbul is providing consular assistance. As of April 20, 2026, the Ellenik government has not issued an official statement. The incident has sparked international debate, with many viewing it as politically exploited by turkish authorities.

REGARDING OUR CHILDREN WHOM THE TURKS ARRESTED!

RELEASE THEM IMMEDIATELY — THEY SHOULD HAVE BEEN FREED YESTERDAY!

Read the insults they have directed against us and give them no more space and no more tolerance!

Michael and Constantina Mazis are Orthodox Ellines Confessors of the Faith and the Fatherland.

They did what our Patriarchate and the Greek government have still not done: they made Hagia Sophia once again an Orthodox Holy Temple — while the others have left it to be turned into a mosque…

FREEDOM TO THE CONFESSORS FOR THE FAITH AND THE FATHERLAND, BROTHERS!!!

The names and the videos must be released both officially and immediately to the public! Our children must be freed as of yesterday! Our Patriot Confessors — who do not exist here among us in Ellas or Cyprus — come from Australia and from Northern Epirus (Konstantinos Katsifas, Aristotelis Goumas)!!!

HONOR TO OUR BROTHER AND SISTER MICHAEL AND CONSTANTINA MAZIS!!!

LONG LIVE ORTHODOX HELLENISM!!!

SO TAKE A GOOD LOOK BELOW WHAT EXACTLY THE ANTICHRIST AND FILTHY TURANMONGOLS DO WITH THEIR ASS SHEET FLAG INSULTING US...

YOU FILTHY MONGOL TRIBES LET OUR CHILDREN FREE TO GO HOME

OTHERWISE SINK IN YOUR OWN SHIT YOU SCUMBAGS!!!

THESE SCUMS PUT THEIR SHIT WHERE IT DOSEN'T BELONG ΙΝ CONTRAST TO US THAT JUST OPENED OUR ORTHODOX ELLENIK FLAG WIDE OPEN WHERE IT BELONGED FOR THOUSANDS OF YEARS!!!

INTERNATIONAL PLEED!!! : MAKE AGIA SOFIA AN ORTHODOX CHRISTIAN TEMPLE AGAIN PLACING HER BACK TO HER HISTORY WHERE SHE BELONGED IN MILLENIUMS!!!

BELOW YOU SEE PART OF THEIR OFFENCES AGAINST THE ORTHODOX ELLENIK FLAG AND OUR FATHERLAND ELLAS!!!

THERE ARE WONDERFULL TRANSLATION A.I. MODES ALMOST IN EVERY BROWSER KEEP THE GOOD WORK STILL GOING ON.. MAKE THE DIFFERENCE.. TAKE DOWN THESE SHITS ONCE AND FOR ALL!!!


ARTICLE FROM ''ΝΕΟΣ ΚΟΣΜΟΣ''

Cousins Michael and Konstantina were arrested in Turkey after unfurling a Greek flag inside the Hagia Sophia. > "We never imagined we would find ourselves in this difficult position. Two of our own, Michael, a Greek-Australian, and his cousin Konstantina, from Greece, are currently detained in Istanbul following an incident that occurred inside the Hagia Sophia recently." These words come from a family post seeking the Greek community's help to secure the release of Michael and his cousin Konstantina. As previously reported in our English edition, two Greeks—a man and a woman—were arrested after the man opened a Greek flag inside the Hagia Sophia while the woman recorded it on video. The family's GoFundMe post states that the two cousins, 35-year-old Greek-Australian Michael and 42-year-old Konstantina, had traveled for a short Easter trip, intending to return to their jobs just a few days later. Instead, they have been in detention since April 10, and everything has come to a standstill. "All we want is for them to come home. They should have already returned, and every day that passes is very difficult for all of us. Both are professionals in their fields, with families and responsibilities waiting for them." > "What appears in the media is only part of the picture—the reality is much harder, in a foreign country, within a legal system they do not know." The family has already spoken with lawyers, and the costs are very high. Between fees, court expenses, translations, and other necessary expenses, the total cost is estimated to reach a six-figure amount. "We are starting with an initial goal to cover immediate legal costs, knowing that the total cost will likely be significantly larger as the case develops. This is why we are asking for your help. Any contribution will go exclusively to their legal expenses and whatever is needed to complete this process. Even a share can make a big difference." "We will keep you updated as the case progresses, with as much transparency as possible. Thank you warmly for your time and support."

Those wishing to help can find relevant information at the following link: [https://www.gofundme.com/f/help-michael-konstantina-with-legal-support-in-istanbul](https://www.gofundme.com/f/help-michael-konstantina-with-legal-support-in-istanbul) Upon learning about Michael and Konstantina's detention, *Neos Kosmos* decided to inform the office of Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong and Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, hoping for interventions with Turkish political leadership to secure the release of the two young people. According to our information, Michael Mazis was a chanter at the Church of Saint Panteleimon in Dandenong, Melbourne. Anastasios Mazis, Michael's father, told us that the slogan "Orthodoxy or Death," which appeared on the flag his son unfurled, was misinterpreted. "These words had nothing to do with inciting violence," he told *Neos Kosmos*. He emphasized to *Neos Kosmos* that his son and cousin had no intention of offending anyone. "It was Michael's first time in Turkey," says his father. "He didn't understand how strict the rules are in such places. There was no bad intention. Besides, they went on their own, not with a group. If they had gone with a group, they would have been warned." Michael, 35, a graduate in Economics and a Byzantine music chanter, traveled to Greece for Easter and then to Istanbul to experience Holy Week. With roots in Sparta, the trip held deep spiritual significance for him. His cousin Konstantina Mazis, who took the photo, was with him. The family states that both fully cooperated with authorities. > "Inside the Hagia Sophia, they cooperated with a female security officer, who let them leave. Then they were shocked when the next day they were arrested at their hotel. They didn't expect it would escalate to this extent," said Mr. Mazis. They were subsequently charged under provisions for inciting public hatred and offending a segment of the public, which are serious offenses under Turkish law. They even face up to four years in prison, as reported to *Neos Kosmos*. "We respect Turkey's laws," Mr. Anastasios told us. "We do not question that. We ask that it be treated as what it was: a simple misunderstanding." Both are currently in detention centers. "We don't want to escalate the situation," says Anastasios. "We ask for understanding. A mistake was made, and we hope it will be treated fairly." Michael and Konstantina have applied for release, but at this stage, it is considered rather uncertain.









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you can have to the following, wonderfull grok translations

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BUT THERE IS NOTHING HAPPENING AGAINST THOSE SUPER SHITS


DID ANYTHING HAPPENED TO THIS FILTHY MONKEY WHEN HE OPENED THE TURKISH FLAG AT SYNTAGMA THIS MOST ELLENIK REPRESENTATIVE SQUARE IN ATHENS ON 06/2022


DID ANYTHING HAPPENED TO THESE GUYS THAT TOOK OF THE ELLENIK FLAG FROM ΤΗΕ ΕLLΕΝΙΚ IMIA AND PUT INSTEAD THE TURKISH ON 
 28 January 1996

LOOK INSTEAD WHAT HAPPEND TO US

ON 31/January/1996

SO ENOUGH WITH THESE GUYS UNREPENTANT MAY THE WIND BLOW AWAY ALL THEIR FLAGS AND ALL OF THEM SCUMS TO ETERNITY


WHAT EVER FOLLOWS DOWN HERE IS JUST A TINY HINT OF A BLOOD DROP ABOUT WHAT THIS FILTHY MONGOL ANTICHRIST MURDERING NATION HAS APPLIED AGAINST ORTHODOX ELLENISM SINCE 1453 AND ALSO ADD THE DEVSHRIME COUNTED UP TO 
600.000 SIX HUNDRED THOUSAND
JUST BLOW THEM AWAY FOR A BETTER GLOBAL FUTURE THESE ANTICHRIST MASSACRERS

 From 1453 to the present, Ottoman and, later, Turkish state actions against Greeks include mass killings, forced conversions and executions of clergy and laity, ethnic cleansing and genocide, state‑orchestrated pogroms, invasions and occupation, plus modern maritime brinkmanship and cultural erasure. The Orthodox “Neo‑Martyrs” (Neomartyres) supply a name‑by‑name record of individuals targeted specifically for their faith. Estimates of total deaths across these episodes, even using only mainstream academic and reference sources, range from roughly 400,000 to over 1,200,000—most of them concentrated in the 1940‑year arc from 1914–1923 and the 1821 war and its immediate reprisals.

 THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE (1453) AND THE OTTOMAN FRAMEWORK (15TH–18TH C.)
On 29 May 1453, Sultan Mehmed II’s forces breached Constantinople’s Theodosian Walls after a 53‑day siege. Contemporary accounts (e.g., Doukas, Critobulus) and later syntheses (Steven Runciman; modern encyclopedias) agree that a three‑day sack followed, with large‑scale killing, enslavement, and rape. Modern reference works commonly estimate that several thousand civilians were killed in the initial assault and subsequent sack; broader demographic work notes that the city’s pre‑siege population may have been around 30,000–60,000, though many escaped before the final assault. Hagia Sophia was converted into a mosque, and churches were stripped of crosses and icons, a pattern repeated across Ottoman‑ruled Greek lands. In subsequent decades the Ottomans institutionalized control through the millet system: the Ecumenical Patriarch was made civil head (ethnarch) of the Rum (Orthodox) millet, personally responsible for the community’s behavior and taxes; deposition, exile, or execution of Patriarchs (e.g., Cyrillos Loukaris, Parthenius III, Gabriel II) became political tools of control.

 The devşirme (“blood tax”) system periodically conscripted Christian boys—mainly Greeks and South Slavs—to be converted to Islam and trained as Janissaries. Scholars such as Speros Vryonis Jr. and modern academic theses (e.g., Georgetown) show the practice was both coercive and contested within Islamic law; some Muslim chronicles and kadi records themselves describe children being taken by force from their families and mosques in predominantly Christian areas of the Balkans and Anatolia. The system created a military elite directly used to police the very communities from which it was drawn.
 THE NEO‑MARTYRS (15TH–18TH C. – A NAME‑BY‑NAME RECORD OF PERSECUTION)
Orthodox hagiography and modern catalogs document hundreds of “New Martyrs” under Ottoman rule. The foundational scholarly list is Nomikos Vaporis, *Witnesses for Christ: Orthodox Christian Neomartyrs of the Ottoman Period, 1437–1860*. Church compilations (e.g., Dormition in Concord’s “New Martyrs of the Turkish Yoke”; OrthodoxWiki; OCA lives) extend the record into the 18th–19th centuries. A representative, documented sample (by century) includes:

- 15th century – Ephraim the New of Nea‑Makri (tortured for months and martyred on 5 May 1426; feast 5 May; relics found 1950). Raphael, Nicholas and Irene of Lesbos: on Bright Tuesday, 9 April 1463, Ottoman forces raided the Monastery of St. Raphael on Lesvos; Abbot Raphael was sawn apart, Deacon Nicholas killed, and 12‑year‑old Irene burned; other clergy and laypeople hidden nearby were slain (feast 9 April).
- 16th century – John the New of Ioannina (18 April 1526): a young man who had apostatized under duress, repented, publicly confessed Christ, and was beheaded and then burned; his relics are at Meteora and Constantinople. Philothea (Revoula) Benizelos of Athens (19 February 1589): an Athenian noble who founded a monastery, ran schools, hospitals, and ransomed Christian slaves; Ottoman authorities had her seized during Liturgy, beaten, and she died of her injuries; venerated as a martyr and patron of Athens.
- 17th century – Athanasios of Attaleia (7 January 1700): a simple layman in Smyrna, he defended Christianity in disputations; after being falsely accused of apostasy for inadvertently uttering the opening of the Islamic confession, he refused to convert and was beheaded (feast 7 January). Elias “Ardounis” of Kalamata (31 January 1685/1686): a barber who had briefly converted to Islam, repented on Mount Athos, returned and confessed Christ; he was beaten, imprisoned, and burned alive near Kalamata (feast 31 January). Nicholas Karamanos of Smyrna (March 1657): after torture and circumcision he still refused to convert, saying “I am a Christian; I will not become a Turk”; hanged, his body exposed three days (feast March). Ahmed the Deftendar (1682): a high Ottoman fiscal official in Constantinople who converted to Christianity, took the name Christodoulos; refusing to revert, he was beheaded (feast 3 May). Polydorus of Cyprus: a convert from Islam tortured all night in Nea Ephesus and hanged on 3 September 1794 (feast 3 September).
- 18th century – Constantine Brancoveanu, Prince of Wallachia, with his sons Constantine, Stephen, Radu, Matthew, and counselor Joannicius (15 August 1714): brought to Constantinople after deposition, pressured to convert to Islam to save their lives; all refused and were beheaded in turn (feast 16 August). Kyranna of Thessaloniki (late 18th c.): a young maiden who refused a Turk’s demands to convert and marry him; after torture she was beheaded (feast 28 February). Michael Paknanas the Gardener of Constantinople (1 July 1770): a poor gardener who openly confessed Christ; beheaded; his skull is at Athens Cathedral (feast 1 July). Elias “Ardounis” of Kalamata (1685/1686): after apostasy and monastic repentance, he returned to Kalamata, confessed Christ, and was burned at the stake by Ottoman authorities (feast 31 January). Athanasios “Koulakiotis” of Thessaloniki (8 September 1774): a layman from Koulakia near Thessaloniki, educated under Athanasios Parios on Mount Athos, who refused to convert and was hanged outside the city (feast 8 September).

 These vitae depict ordinary people—shepherds, tailors, gardeners, goldsmiths, sailors, converts from Islam—who were tortured and executed under Islamic law for refusing to renounce Christ, and whose stories were recorded by the Church as Neo‑Martyrs.

 THE 19TH‑CENTURY REVOLUTIONS, MASSACRES AND STATE REPRISALS (1821–1824)
The Greek War of Independence (1821–1829) saw both military combat and repeated massacres of civilians. A neutral scholarly review of British Embassy reports notes that “the dead Turks were not, for the most part, the soldiers of the Sultan nor the dead Greeks the revolutionaries; the victims had simply paid the price of belonging … to the weaker community and the wrong religion.” Key episodes (with added precision) include:

- Cyprus (9 July 1821): Ottoman governor Küçük Mehmet closed Nicosia’s gates and executed hundreds of leading Cypriots. Archbishop Kyprianos was hanged; bishops Chrysanthos of Paphos, Meletios of Kition, and Lavrentios of Kyrenia were beheaded. Contemporary European consular dispatches and later Orthodox histories report several days of massacres and the eventual disappearance of 62 Greek villages; Orthodox sources compile these victims as Neo‑Martyrs of Cyprus.
- Constantinople pogrom (April–July 1821): after the revolt’s outbreak, Ottoman authorities unleashed a pogrom in the capital. Churches were sacked, shops looted, and hundreds killed; the Ecumenical Patriarch Gregory V—who had opposed the revolt—was hanged at the Patriarchate gate on Pascha 10 April 1821 (feast 10 April). Greek diplomatic historians and later syntheses stress this was both a religious and political crime; his body was exposed for three days and cast into the sea, later recovered by Greek sailors.
- Chios massacre (1822): after a brief pro‑Greek revolt, the Ottoman fleet punished the island. Modern scholarship and consular records (e.g., Christopher Long; ResearchGate compilations) converge on 20,000 killed and 45,000 enslaved, with an additional 10,000–20,000 fleeing, for a total up to 100,000 killed, enslaved or displaced. Delacroix’s painting “Scenes from the Massacres at Chios” turned the event into a cause célèbre of Philhellenism.
- Psara (20–21 June 1824): Ottoman forces destroyed the island. Sources of the time report about 17,000 killed or sold into slavery; the destruction removed one of Greece’s key maritime centers.
- Crete (1821–1822): Ottoman retaliations included the “Great Ravage.” In Heraklion, around 900 Christians were slaughtered on 23–24 June 1821. The Cretan hierarchy was largely wiped out: Archbishop Gerasimos of Crete; bishops Neophytos of Knossos, Joachim of Cheronissos, Hierotheos of Lampesa, Callinicus of Diopolis, Zacharias of Siteia, and Joachim of Petra were killed, along with Vatopedi monks carrying the Girdle of the Theotokos. In 1822, the abbots of the Diocese of Rethymnon and its bishop were martyred, alongside bishops Callinicus of Kydonia and Melchizedek. The Church commemorates the Cretan hierarchs and multitudes on 23 June (feast).
- Naousa (13 April 1822): after a brief resistance, Ottoman forces overwhelmed Naousa. Local Greek tradition and ecclesiastical memory state that 1,241 men, women and children were slaughtered over three days (Bright Thursday to Thomas Sunday); the five priests of St. George’s church were among the first killed; the Church remembers them annually as the Holy 1,241 New Martyrs of Naousa (feast Sunday of Thomas).
- Hierarchs of the eastern Aegean (3 June 1821): Dorotheos of Adrianople, Joseph of Thessalonica, Gregory of Derkon, and Joannicius of Trnovo were hanged at Mytilene in reprisal (feast 3 June).

 Additional Neo‑Martyrs from or connected to the revolutionary period include:
- Polydorus of Cyprus (3 September 1794): a convert from Islam who, after torture, was hanged at Nea Ephesus; his feast is 3 September.
- Demetrius the Neomartyr of Tripoli (14 April 1803): a layman of Arcadia who apostatized under duress, repented, publicly confessed Christ, and was beheaded in Tripoli (feast 14 April).
- John the Goldsmith of Bulgaria (14 May 1802): a Bulgarian convert to Christianity who, after various tortures, was beheaded; modern scholarship and Church sources note his relics were translated and honored (feast 14 May).

 These Neo‑Martyrs are commemorated alongside the mass slaughter of whole communities, showing that Ottoman state violence targeted both crowds and named individuals.

 THE LATE OTTOMAN CRACKDOWN AND THE GREEK GENOCIDE ERA (1914–1923)
From the Balkan Wars through the Treaty of Lausanne, successive regimes (the CUP and Kemalists) targeted the Ottoman Greek populations of Eastern Thrace, western Anatolia, Pontus, and Cappadocia.

 Academic work on the “Greek genocide” (see Meichanetsidis; Asia Minor & Pontus Hellenic Research Center teaching guides; International Association of Genocide Scholars) describes a sustained campaign of massacres, deportations, death marches, forced conversions, and labor battalions. A widely cited overview notes that Ottoman Greek deaths across 1913–1923 are estimated at 300,000–1,200,000; the Pontic component alone is commonly estimated at 350,000–360,000.Key components, with additional specifics, include:

- 1914 Eastern Thrace and Aegean coasts: Matthias Bjørnlund’s work (1914 Cleansing of Aegean Greeks) describes a “violent Turkification” campaign: boycotts, deportations, and massacres aimed at “Turkify” the coast and hinterland. At least 115,000 Greeks were expelled from Eastern Thrace and sought refuge in the Kingdom of Greece (cited in Mourelos 1974).
- Labor battalions (Amele Taburları): thousands of Greek men were conscripted and worked to death or deliberately exposed; death rates from exhaustion, disease, or execution were extremely high, especially in 1916–1918. Scholars (e.g., Koleidou 2017; Hofmann; Hellenic Research Center teaching guides) treat these as instruments of mass death and demographic engineering.
- Pontus (1916–1923): official Turkish statistics compiled later (e.g., 134,078 killed in the Samsun/Amasya/Giresun region; 38,434 in Trabzon; 27,216 in Niksar; 64,582 in Tokat; 21,448 in Maçka) are used by modern researchers as a baseline (see Bianet’s analysis of Ottoman statistics and the Greek Genocide Resource Center map). Historians of the Pontic genocide (Shirinian; Hofmann) underline mass killings, death marches, and drownings (including alleged mass drownings in the Black Sea described in survivor testimonies and diplomatic dispatches).
- Smyrna (September 1922): after the Greek army’s retreat, Kemalist forces entered Smyrna. A mainstream academic summary (Wikipedia; academic round‑tables) notes that some 10,000 to 100,000 Greeks and Armenians were killed in the fire and accompanying massacres. Metropolitan Chrysostomos Kalafatis was lynched by a mob incited by Nureddin Pasha on 9/10 September 1922—an act widely recognized in Greek and international scholarship as a hieromartyrdom (feast 7 September).
- 1923 Lausanne Convention and the “Population Exchange”: approximately 1,221,489 Greek Orthodox were expelled from Asia Minor, Eastern Thrace, Pontus, and the Caucasus; about 355,000–400,000 Muslims were transferred from Greece. The convention explicitly “denaturalized” the expelled en masse, “completed the process of the forcible transfer of the Greeks,” and is treated by scholars such as Bruce Clark (Twice a Stranger) and Dinah Shelton as the legal capstone of an ethnic‑cleansing campaign.
 LATE OTTOMAN–EARLY REPUBLICAN CRIMES AGAINST MINORITIES (1942–1955)
- Varlık Vergisi (Wealth Tax), 1942: an extraordinary tax imposed in wartime Turkey. Peer‑reviewed economic histories (Cambridge J. Econ. Hist. 2019; Keyder 1987) show it was assessed at far higher rates on non‑Muslims—Greeks, Armenians, Jews—often in arbitrary amounts; non‑Muslim firms were bankrupted and transferred to Muslim owners, “nationalizing” the economy. Survivors and Turkish newspapers later admitted the policy’s discriminatory intent.
- Istanbul Pogrom (6–7 September 1955): the government‑instigated Septemvriana targeted the Greek minority. A mainstream encyclopedia notes that deaths are “unknown, estimates vary from 13 to 37 or more.” Independent scholarship (Speros Vryonis Jr., *The Mechanism of Catastrophe*) documents lists 16–30 dead, hundreds injured, thousands raped, and vast material destruction (4,000–5,000 properties and 73 churches damaged or destroyed); the pogrom is analyzed as satisfying elements of “intent to destroy” under the Genocide Convention. The pogrom triggered a mass exodus: Istanbul’s Greek community fell from over 100,000 to a few thousand.

 CYPRUS: OCCUPATION AND ONGOING VIOLATIONS (1963–1974–PRESENT)
- 1963–1964 “Bloody Christmas”: intercommunal violence led to the withdrawal of Turkish Cypriots into enclaves; later scholarly reviews note the conflict produced thousands of displaced on both sides, with estimates that 25,000 Turkish Cypriots fled to enclaves, dramatically reconfiguring the island’s demographics (1973 MIT study).
- 1974 Turkish invasion and occupation: on 20 July 1974, Turkey launched two military operations, occupying about 37% of the Republic’s territory. The Republic of Cyprus’s official figures (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, United Nations documents) record: ~162,000 Greek Cypriots became refugees; 1,619 persons declared missing, with 758 still missing; ~43,000 Turkish troops remain stationed in the occupied areas; more than 160,000 mainland settlers were transferred to the occupied areas, altering the demographic balance, while enclaved Greek Cypriots dwindled to ~331. UN Security Council Resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984) declared the secessionist “TRNC” invalid and called for its non‑recognition.
- Varosha/Famagusta: fenced off and largely depopulated since 1974; UN Security Council Resolution 789 (1992) called for Varosha’s return to UN administration and the right of refugees to return; Turkey continues to keep the fenced suburb under military control and, in 2020–2021, began reopening parts to settlers, which the Republic of Cyprus and UN condemn as illegal.

 AEGEAN DISPUTES, BRINKMANSHIP AND SOVEREIGNTY THREATS (1970S–2020S)
- Imia/Kardak crisis (January 1996): a Turkish cargo ship’s grounding near the uninhabited Greek islets escalated into a military standoff with flag‑planting and deployments of special forces. On 31 January 1996, a Greek Navy helicopter crashed during reconnaissance, killing three officers (Christodoulos Karathanasis, Panagiotis Vlahakos, and Ektoras Gialopsos); U.S. mediation secured a mutual pull‑back. Post‑crisis, Turkey expanded its “grey zones” thesis to question sovereignty over numerous small Aegean islets, keeping long‑term pressure on Greek sovereignty.
- Continental shelf/EEZ standoff (1976–present): Greece took the Aegean Sea Continental Shelf case to the ICJ (10 August 1976) to assert its islands’ continental‑shelf rights. Turkey has never accepted ICJ jurisdiction and continues to challenge Greek EEZ claims, especially around Kastellorizo, Crete and the Eastern Mediterranean, leading to repeated crises. The Aegean dispute article summarizes decades of disputes over territorial waters (6 nm vs. Greece’s right to 12 nm), airspace, FIR, and demilitarization of islands, noting at least two near‑war crises in 1987 and 1996.
- Casus belli on 12‑nm extension: since 1995 Turkey’s Parliament threatens war if Greece extends its territorial waters in the Aegean to 12 nm—a threat condemned by the European Parliament (E‑000023/2022) as inconsistent with the UN Charter and UNCLOS (which Turkey has not ratified).
- Oruç Reis standoff and 2020 Eastern Mediterranean crisis: In July–August 2020, Turkey dispatched the research vessel Oruç Reis (escorted by warships) to survey disputed waters south of Kastellorizo; NATO reported Greek and Turkish frigates collided on 12 August 2020, causing minor damage—a physical manifestation of how close the two NATO allies came to war. International Crisis Group calls this “the longest‑lasting showdown” in decades. The EU’s top diplomat condemned the surveys as “illegal.”
- Libya maritime MoU (November 2019) and “Blue Homeland” doctrine: Turkey signed a maritime boundary MoU with Libya’s GNA claiming a wide EEZ corridor overlapping Greek islands’ EEZ and promoting an expansive “Blue Homeland (Mavi Vatan) concept covering the Aegean, Black Sea and Eastern Mediterranean. Greece, Egypt, Cyprus, the EU, and the U.S. reject the deal as inconsistent with the law of the sea. International law blogs (Völkerrechtsblog) highlight the conflict with Greece–Egypt and Greece–Italy EEZs and subsequent naval deployments.
- SAR expansion (October 2020): Turkey unilaterally extended its declared Search and Rescue region to include swathes of the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean claimed under the “Blue Homeland”; Greece protested to IMO and ICAO; ICAO’s Secretary‑General publicly reaffirmed that no such changes are valid without Greece’s consent.
- 2022 invasion threats and missile rhetoric: President Erdoğan repeatedly called Greek islands “occupied” and threatened a “sudden, overnight” invasion (September 2022). In December 2022 he warned Turkish missiles “will hit Athens” if islands continue to be armed—statements condemned by EU institutions and France as violations of the UN Charter and, for the missile threat, an abuse of the right of self‑defense. Greek officials protested at NATO and the UN.
- Karpathos power‑cable coercion (July 2024): five Turkish warships aggressively shadowed research vessels laying the Greece–Cyprus–Israel power link (Great Sea Interconnector) near Karpathos; research vessels suspended work, and by early 2025 Greece paused the project, citing Turkish objections—another case where maritime pressure altered infrastructure plans.
- 2025 “Historical” claims to Greek islands (e.g., Imia, Gavdos, Farmakonisi): Turkish officials publicly raised “historical” claims to recognized Greek islands; Greek governments invoke treaties (Lausanne; 1923; Paris 1947) and international law to reject them. Aegean dispute coverage notes 1987 and 1996 near‑war crises and continued friction over “grey zones.”

 CULTURAL ERASURE AND HERITAGE (2020–2024)
- Hagia Sophia reconverted (July 2020): a Turkish court annulled the 1934 museum decree; President Erdoğan signed a decree reconverting Hagia Sophia into a mosque. UNESCO expressed “deep regret” and stressed the site is a World Heritage property; its Director‑General urged Turkey to abide by its legal obligations. The move was widely interpreted in Greece and internationally as a symbolic erasure of Byzantine Christian heritage.
- Chora/Kariye (Kariye Mosque) (2024): following a long restoration, Turkey reopened the former Chora Church as a mosque; Reuters, official Turkish announcements and heritage critics note this is the second major conversion after Hagia Sophia, sparking renewed debate over religious freedom and heritage preservation.

 TOTAL DEATH TOLL – WHAT THE NUMBERS SAY (AND WHY THEY ARE RANGES, NOT EXACT TOTALS)
From mainstream academic, reference, and ecclesiastical sources, a defensible cumulative picture is:

- Greek Genocide, 1914–1923: scholarly overviews commonly give Ottoman Greek deaths in the range 300,000–1,200,000; for Pontus alone, 350,000–360,000.
- Chios massacre, 1822: 20,000 killed + 45,000 enslaved = at least 65,000 victims (up to 100,000 total when displaced).
- Destruction of Psara, 1824: about 17,000 killed or sold as slaves.
- Burning of Smyrna, 1922: 10,000–100,000 Greeks and Armenians killed in the fire and accompanying massacres; Chrysostomos of Smyrna lynched; Metropolitan’s feast 7 September.
- Cyprus 1974 invasion/occupation (Greek Cypriot victims): killed and missing: low hundreds to low thousands (official Cyprus MFA reports) + ~162,000 displaced; missing: 1,619 (758 still missing).
- Neo‑Martyrs under Ottoman rule (named individuals): at least several hundred documented cases in Vaporis’s catalog (1437–1860), with additional later cases; these are discrete judicial/executorial killings, not mass killings, but they form a named person‑by‑person record of persecution.
- 1821–1822 reprisals (Constantinople, Cyprus, Crete, Naousa, Chios, Psara): several tens of thousands (e.g., 900 in Heraklion; 1,241 in Naousa; up to 20,000 killed on Chios; 470+ in Cyprus).
- 1955 Istanbul pogrom: deaths estimated at 13–37+; 4,000–5,000 properties and 73 churches damaged; a genocide‑studies article argues the pogrom satisfied “intent to destroy” criteria.

 Summing conservatively across the 1914–1923 genocide: even the low‑end scholarly estimates approach or exceed 300,000 Greek deaths; adding the 1821–1824 massacres (tens of thousands), the 1922 Smyrna pogrom (tens of thousands), and smaller episodes (1955, Cyprus), the total is roughly on the order of 400,000 and could exceed 1,000,000 in high‑end scholarly ranges. The large spread reflects gaps and disputes in documentation and the fact that deaths from disease, exposure during death marches, and “disappearances” are inherently hard to quantify. What is clear from mainstream scholarship is the pattern: multiple, sustained campaigns targeting Greek civilians across four centuries, culminating in the early‑20th‑century genocide, which alone likely accounts for most of the deaths.

 Historians and demographers have closely analyzed Ottoman tax registers, military needs, and contemporary chronicles to build a highly reliable mathematical consensus. According to premier Ottoman historian Halil Inalcik, the Ottoman military machine required a massive and constant influx of Christian youths to fill the ranks of its elite infantry and civilian administration. During the system's absolute peak in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the state systematically collected approximately one thousand to three thousand boys every single year. Later academic studies, including a comprehensive Georgetown University thesis on the subject, confirm that each major collection sweep by Janissary officials yielded between one thousand and three thousand male children, usually taking one child from every forty households in the targeted Christian regions. The devshirme effectively began in the late fourteenth century, shortly after the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans, and remained a functioning state institution until it was officially abolished by Sultan Murad the Fourth in sixteen thirty-eight, giving the system an active lifespan of roughly two to three hundred years. When historians multiply the conservative estimate of one thousand boys per year over three hundred years, the lowest accepted total comes to three hundred thousand children taken. When using the higher estimate of three thousand boys per year over two hundred peak years, the total reaches six hundred thousand. Consequently, mainstream academia widely accepts that between two hundred thousand and five hundred thousand Christian boys were forcibly taken from their families over the entire history of the system. It is crucial to understand that these staggering totals only account for the children who survived the initial capture and transport. The numbers do not include the countless boys who died on the long and grueling marches from their home villages to the imperial capitals. They also do not include the extraordinarily high mortality rates in the brutal Janissary training camps, where historians estimate that up to a third of the boys died from exhaustion, disease, or physical abuse. Finally, the official numbers ignore the unrecorded local levies carried out by regional governors and local commanders, meaning the true human cost of the blood tax is actually much higher than even the highest estimates suggest.

 CONCLUSION
Because the Ottoman/Turkish archives are incomplete and many local massacres are known only from hagiography or hostile contemporaries, a “perfect” count is impossible. Nonetheless, the cumulative academic record supports a minimum of roughly 400,000 Greek deaths due to state‑level violence since 1453, and plausibly over 1,000,000—centered on the 1914–1923 genocide and the 1821–1824 revolutionary bloodshed. This is consistent with the mainstream scholarly view that Greeks, alongside Armenians and Assyrians, were targeted in the late Ottoman Christian genocides.
 And In short the academic consensus places the total number of Christian boys taken by the devshirme potentially up to half a million 600.000.

The crimes and specific incidents imposed by the Turks against the Greeks of Pontus during the Pontic Greek Genocide

drawn from the extensive documentation compiled by Konstantinos Fotiades in his multi-volume work on the Genocide of the Greeks of Pontus. Fotiades gathered thousands of primary sources including consular reports, survivor testimonies, diplomatic dispatches from German, Austrian, British and other archives, and ecclesiastical records.

The crimes began intensifying from 1914-1916 under the Young Turks and continued with greater ferocity after May 1919 under the Kemalist forces. They formed a systematic campaign of extermination that included mass killings, deportations, forced labor, sexual violence, destruction of property, and cultural erasure. The death toll for Pontic Greeks is estimated at approximately 353,000.

Massacres of civilians

Turkish regular troops, gendarmes, and irregular chetes (bands often led by figures such as Topal Osman) carried out mass killings in numerous villages and towns. Entire communities were rounded up and executed by shooting, bayoneting, or other means. In one documented case near Samsun, in the village of Ada, Turkish troops surrounded the settlement and killed over 340 Greek inhabitants, burning the village to ashes with only a few survivors. Similar massacres occurred across dozens of villages around Samsun and Bafra, with seventy or more villages destroyed in single operations. In Niksar (Neocaesarea), chetes gathered Greeks outside the city and executed them in mass shootings. In many locations, mobs of chetes and local Turks broke into homes, dragged men, women, and children into the streets, and killed them on the spot while setting houses on fire.

Burning of villages, churches, and people alive

Turkish forces systematically burned Greek villages, often locking inhabitants inside churches or houses before setting them ablaze. Churches and monasteries were desecrated and used as incinerators. In several villages, entire populations including women and children were herded into caves, the entrances sealed, and the people burned alive or suffocated with smoke or gas. In other incidents, villagers were confined in their own homes or schools and burned to death. This pattern repeated across the regions of Amasya, Giresun, Samsun, Tokat, Trabzon, and Sebinkarahisar.

Death marches and forced deportations

Authorities ordered mass deportations of Greek populations from coastal and inland areas to the harsh interior of Anatolia. Deportees, including women, children, and the elderly, were forced to march long distances without adequate food, water, or shelter. Death rates reached 80 to 90 percent due to starvation, exhaustion, exposure, disease, and attacks by escorts or bandits along the way. Corpses of women and old men were frequently seen lying by the roadsides. Deportations affected towns such as Samsun, Bafra, Ordu, Tirebolu, Amasya, and Çarşamba. In December 1916 and January 1917, large-scale expulsions took place from Samsun and surrounding districts, with further waves continuing into the early 1920s. Many caravans were subjected to repeated abuse and selective massacres en route.

Forced labor battalions (Amele Taburları)

Greek men of military age, and sometimes older boys or women, were conscripted into labor battalions for road construction, quarrying, and other projects. They worked under brutal conditions with minimal food, constant beatings, and little rest. Mortality rates often exceeded 90 percent due to overwork, starvation, disease, exposure, and summary executions. Survivors described the battalions as death traps designed to eliminate able-bodied males.

Rapes and sexual violence

Widespread and systematic rape of Greek women and girls occurred during village raids, deportations, and massacres. Assaults often took place in front of family members as a deliberate tool of terror and humiliation. Young girls were frequently abducted and taken into Turkish or Muslim households.

Arbitrary arrests, torture, and public executions

Notables, priests, teachers, and wealthy Greeks were arrested on fabricated charges such as desertion or collaboration. They endured severe torture before execution. In Amasya, around 200 Greeks were reportedly hanged. In other towns, groups of prominent citizens were arrested, paraded through streets, and killed. Mass arrests preceded deportations, with hostages held in schools or other buildings and threatened with massacre.

Looting and plunder of property

Before or during deportations and massacres, gendarmes and chetes seized money, valuables, livestock, homes, businesses, and land from Greek families. Greek properties were confiscated and redistributed or sold by Ottoman/Turkish authorities. Boycotts of Greek businesses, heavy taxation, and prevention from working their fields were used to impoverish communities prior to physical attacks.

Forced conversions to Islam

Under threat of death, many Greeks, particularly women and children, were forced to convert to Islam. Those who refused faced immediate execution or deportation.

Abduction of women and children

Turkish forces and irregulars abducted large numbers of Greek women and children. Girls were taken for sexual exploitation or forced marriage into Muslim families, while boys were often assimilated or raised as Turks.

Destruction of cultural and religious heritage

Churches, monasteries, schools, and historical Greek sites were burned, looted, or converted into mosques or stables. This erased centuries of Greek Orthodox presence in Pontus. In many cases, religious leaders were targeted first and killed or tortured publicly.

Specific regional death tolls documented in sources used by Fotiades and related records

  • Amasya, Giresun, Samsun areas: 134,078
  • Tokat: 64,582
  • Trabzon: 38,434
  • Niksar: 27,216
  • Sebinkarahisar: 21,448
  • Other districts such as Maçka and additional villages added thousands more.

These crimes occurred in distinct phases. The first major wave began in late 1916 under the Young Turk government during World War I, with deportations and massacres intensifying in 1917. After the Ottoman defeat, the Kemalist movement resumed and escalated the campaign from May 1919 onward, with Mustafa Kemal's arrival in Samsun marking the start of the most organized phase of extermination. The atrocities continued until the final expulsions associated with the 1923 population exchange.

Fotiades' volumes emphasize that these acts were not isolated wartime excesses but a centrally directed policy of ethnic cleansing and extermination aimed at removing the indigenous Greek population from Pontus. German, Austrian, and other neutral observers documented many of these events in real time through consular and military reports.

The survivors who reached Greece carried testimonies of these horrors, which Fotiades systematically collected alongside archival evidence. No complete exhaustive list of every single village incident exists in one place due to the scale (hundreds of villages affected), but the patterns and categories above cover the full spectrum of crimes repeatedly evidenced across his sourced materials.


Entry into Smyrna and initial atrocities September 1922

Turkish nationalist forces under Mustafa Kemal entered Smyrna on September 9 1922 after the Greek army had evacuated. The city at that time had a large Greek population and significant Armenian community. Order broke down quickly. Turkish soldiers and irregular troops known as chetes along with some local Turkish civilians began systematic looting of Greek and Armenian shops and homes. They robbed valuables cash and jewelry. They separated men from women and children. Many women and girls were raped and sexually assaulted often in front of family members. Men were frequently beaten tortured or killed on the spot. On September 10 the Greek Orthodox Metropolitan bishop Chrysostomos of Smyrna was dragged from his church by a Turkish mob. He was beaten hacked with knives and killed in public view while French soldiers nearby were ordered not to intervene.

Massacres intensified in the Armenian quarter first. Turkish troops went house to house murdering civilians after robbing them. They raped women and girls. Similar killings looting and rapes spread to the Greek quarters. Eyewitnesses including American British and other foreign observers reported bodies lying in the streets. Turkish forces prevented many people from fleeing and shot at crowds.

The Great Fire of Smyrna

On September 13 1922 a fire broke out in the Armenian quarter and rapidly spread to the Greek districts. Most contemporary eyewitness accounts from American consuls missionaries journalists and naval officers state that Turkish soldiers deliberately started the fire. They used tins of petroleum kerosene and other accelerants. Soldiers were seen pouring liquid on buildings pianos and streets then setting them alight. They started multiple fires simultaneously in a way that the wind carried the flames through Christian neighborhoods while sparing the Turkish Muslim quarter. Turkish troops blocked firefighters from extinguishing the blaze and in some cases threatened or shot at them. The fire burned for several days until September 22 destroying almost the entire Greek and Armenian sections of the city including homes churches schools hospitals and businesses. Only the Turkish and Jewish quarters largely survived.

As the fire raged tens of thousands of Greeks and Armenians crowded the waterfront quay desperate to escape. Turkish forces placed guards and machine guns at both ends of the quay. They prevented many from boarding foreign ships. Some people were shot as they tried to reach the water. Others drowned or were crushed in the panic. Many burned to death trapped by the flames. The screams of people in the fire were reported as louder than the roar of the blaze itself. Foreign warships from Britain America France and Italy were anchored in the harbor but their crews mostly followed orders not to intervene directly in the mass evacuation or stop the violence except for limited rescues of their own nationals.

Deportations and labor battalions

Before during and after the fire Turkish authorities separated able-bodied Greek and Armenian men from their families. They deported tens of thousands of these men into the interior of Anatolia. Many were sent on forced marches or placed into labor battalions where they built roads tunnels and performed other hard labor under brutal conditions. They received little or no food water or rest. Guards beat them and many died from exhaustion starvation disease exposure or direct killings. Of the thousands taken from Smyrna and surrounding areas very few survived to return.

Women children and the elderly faced similar death marches. They were driven inland without adequate provisions. Many perished along the routes from hunger thirst illness or attacks by irregular troops. Some women faced forced conversion to Islam or repeated sexual violence.

Broader context in Asia Minor

These events in Smyrna were the climax of a longer campaign against Ottoman Greeks that began around 1914 and continued through 1923 known as the Greek Genocide. Turkish authorities and irregular forces carried out:

  • Boycotts and economic exclusion of Greek businesses
  • Arbitrary arrests and executions of community leaders priests and intellectuals
  • Destruction of Greek villages churches and schools often by burning
  • Mass conscription of Greek men into labor battalions starting in World War I where death rates were extremely high due to harsh treatment
  • Forced deportations and death marches of entire communities into the Anatolian interior where people died in large numbers
  • Widespread massacres in captured towns and villages during the final Turkish advance in 1922

In the final phase of the Greco-Turkish War as Turkish forces advanced they repeated these patterns in many areas killing civilians burning settlements and deporting survivors.

Death estimates

Estimates for deaths in Smyrna itself vary. Most sources indicate tens of thousands killed in the massacres rapes and fire combined. Some contemporary reports and later studies put the figure for Smyrna at around 30 000 to over 100 000 Greeks and Armenians dead when including those who died in the fire drownings and immediate aftermath. Overall for the Greek population of Asia Minor from 1914 to 1923 historians estimate between 300 000 and over 1 million deaths from massacres deportations labor battalions and related causes. The events created over one million Greek refugees who fled to Greece and elsewhere.

The 1923 Treaty of Lausanne formalized a population exchange that forced the remaining Greeks out of Turkey and Muslims out of Greece completing the removal of the Greek presence from Asia Minor after thousands of years.

Turkish official historiography denies that these events were systematic crimes or genocide. It attributes the fire to Greeks or Armenians and claims deaths resulted from war chaos or actions by retreating Greek forces. However the majority of foreign eyewitness reports from the time including American consuls like George Horton missionaries and naval officers as well as many historians conclude that Turkish forces carried out deliberate massacres rapes deportations and arson to eliminate the Christian populations and create an ethnically homogeneous Turkish state.

Note that during the war some atrocities including killings and village burnings were also committed by Greek forces especially during their retreat. The scale and systematic nature of the persecution against the Greek civilian population in the final Turkish advance and earlier phases was significantly larger according to most independent accounts.

This is a summary drawn from multiple historical eyewitness reports and scholarly sources. The events remain highly contested between Greek and Turkish narratives.


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